Under the cover of a wall of fire, inside the Trade Union building on Kulikovo square, scores of people were butchered to death in Odessa on May 2, 2014. The survivors were arrested and beaten by their aggressors on the way to the police vans and even inside the police vans. The victims have been blamed for their own deaths. The victims were called “terrorists” by the Right Sector‘s propaganda machine.
On May 2, 2014, “the city of shadows” saw one of the worst atrocities since the pogroms of the past. People from Odessa related the massacre at the trade union building with Khatyn where a Nazi battalion, formed mostly of Ukrainian nationalists from Western Ukraine, exterminated the entire population of a village in Belarus. During World War II, the Romanian Nazi occupation army committed one of the worst massacres of the past century in Odessa where they exterminated over 100,000 Jews – then blamed it on the victims…
By some optical illusion, some see only what suits their propaganda or war mongering. Those who butchered and burned people alive in Odessa are praised by the civilized world as “law enforcers.” Just like the Tsarist massacre from “Battleship Potemkin” never happened on the staircase of Odessa, but some still believe it did, the massacre at Kulikovo Trade Union building did happen for real and hardly anyone wants to admit it.
Right Sector inside the building before they set it on fire.
The defining element of the nazis propaganda can be clearly seen when the images of the “humanitarian” nazis, while they were publicly executing people, will be later used by the Right Sector to support their claim that they were actually “the saviors,” when in fact they have done the killings.
This video shows people fallen from the building on fire being clubbed on the ground.
This massacre was everything Odessa was not. But, it was everything the people in power in Kyiv meant it to be. It’s like they are really trying to convince people in Ukraine they can’t live with each other anymore. Their prime-minister – who had worked for the IMF – has said, ”We are at war with Russia. This is a type of new war. We are a war cabinet.”
[It took the Kyiv government almost two months to admit that, after Crimea’s referendum to join Russia, the first thing they did was to take their weaponry from Crimea to use it now to kill civilians in the east (Russia recognized it was the property of Ukraine): “aircrafts – 75 units, ships – 32 units, automobiles – 1341 unit, missile and artillery – 120 units, armored vehicles (tanks and IFV) – 121 units, communications and equipment – 201 units, operational support equipment – 302 units, logistical equipment – 400 units, etc.” These weaponry is used against the civilian population in the east; the military occupation and invasion started only after it was in the possession of Kyiv government. All this happened while the Kyiv government was asking NATO for “help” – they were asking for a full scale war IN Ukraine (meaning against civilians in Ukraine) – because Russian forces were supposedly “invading” their country. Source
After they got to power in Kyiv, the Right Sector propaganda started to spread old maps with their country extending over Russia’s current territory, and what they mean is to be found in all their war sermons at their training camps long before the EuroMaidan.]
In fact, they are at war with their own population, who might not accept what the IMF wants to do to them: intolerable increase in gas prices, electricity bills, cuts in essential social services, unemployment. Then, there are the oligarchs’ gang (capitalist class) fights among each other. However, here’s a map for Yatsenuyk and his lying neo-nazi Parubiy who, at the time of this pathetic war mongering interview, knew very well that Ukrainian soldiers killed each other, he still claimed foreign aggressors did.
They’re not “at war with Russia,” but with the population within Ukraine’s borders. Elected president, Petro Poroshenko, who was Kyiv’s negotiator during the Crimea crisis, threatens the local population there to inflict economic sanctions because they voted – until proven otherwise – against Kyiv. He also said they will “disarm” Donbass. So, get this: if a worker goes on strike, the government in Kyiv calls him “a Russian agent” – this was reported by a “liberated” Ukrainian television network. Meanwhile he is the one with business interests in Russia. Now the government in Kyiv plans to end the self-proclaimed republics in Lugansk and Donetsk by 4th, respectively 14th June. This means they will unleash more indiscriminate terror against civilian populations, who are already treated as “insurgents.” Hundreds have been executed at point blank, bombed, shelled, shot, gunned down, schools and hospitals have been bombed, and blocs of flats are bombed. Before elections he promised a referendum on federalization. Two days after the elections he delivered tanks and bombs, and armed thugs killing civilians at random.
Kyiv is mainly responsible for radicalizing the rebellion in the east – it was the government in Kyiv who alienated, attacked, insulted, mocked and turned the eastern population into scapegoats. Villagers and residents in the cities stopped tanks with their bare hands. Then, some armed themselves.
Svoboda‘s leader demanded the death penalty or jail for life for dissenters whom he calls “separatists.” The government calls anyone a “separatist” and “terrorist” who has a legitimate problem with them. Whether they want to remain in Ukraine or they want to split, all dissenters in the east are against the chauvinistic government in Kyiv.
“Separatists”? The separatists are the ones who demanded in the Western media that Ukraine should split up, because it would be “the best thing.” Here are some of them:
– Alexander Motyl, “a professor at Rutgers University and an expert on Ukrainian affairs” saying that splitting Ukraine “might just be the best thing that could happen.” (The Atlantic, February 20, 2014)
– Eugene Rumer, “It would be better to split Ukraine than to tear it apart.” (Financial Times, May 8, 2014)
– May 3, Forbes: “Break Ukraine in Two”: “Splitting Ukraine on a mutually agreed border that starts with the Crimean peninsula, can allow Russia to annex the breakaway portions if it so chooses.”
Yatsenuyk used the Russia-scare to imply support for Svoboda’s demands that Ukraine gets the nuclear weapon. Earlier, some capitalist media even said that a nuclear confrontation with Russia “has to be done:
“The Economist”, February 22-28, 2014, said that a nuclear confrontation with Russia is “difficult but it has to be done.” Fascist Svoboda plans to get the nuclear weapon – it’s in their program – and end of May, the secret service SBU boss (a Neo-nazi himself) declared that Ukraine has “the right and might consider, restoration of nuclear weapon,” and use it for “diplomatic purposes.”
It’s not for nothing they remind of Dr. Strangelove: “Though clearly a minority, Ukraine’s neo-Nazis remain a potent force that is well-organized, well-motivated and prone to extreme violence, whether throwing firebombs at police in the Maidan or at ethnic Russians trapped in a building in Odessa. As vengeance now seeks vengeance across Ukraine, this Nazi imperative will be difficult to hold down, much as Dr. Strangelove struggled to stop his arm from making a “Heil Hitler” salute.” Source
Last month, the interim president Oleksandr Turchynov reinstated the military draft, now recruits are forced to serve in the National Guard too. Parubiy repeatedly asked the United States for military help against the civilian population in his own country. Days after they came to power, using the Russia scare they themselves fuel constantly, Andriy Parubiy and his lieutenant, Yarosh, have called for “a wartime mass mobilization” and insisted they are preparing for ”a war with Russia.” Yarosh has called for a guerrilla war in Crimea, which is now in the territory of Russia, hoping that Moscow won’t back down and attack them this time. While Putin had said Russia respects the results of the May 25th elections, Svoboda calls for more bloodshed. Svoboda’s normalized Neo-nazi boss describes the former regime in Ukraine in words that would better fit their own. He never mentions that they kidnap anyone they want in broad daylight from the streets of Ukraine. Svoboda’s leader never mentioned such interesting realities like that in Lvov, for instance, if youngsters want to socialize they are forced to submit to the Neo-nazi ideology of some local pubs – if they don’t adhere to it, they are denied access. Since day one, they have been at war with the people living and working in Ukraine. Odessa made that obvious.
Politicians and officials from Kyiv and the Western world, as well as Western mainstream media shamelessly blamed the massacre on the victims and said they set themselves on fire (the government said, “The cause of fire House of Trade Unions in Odessa could be Molotov cocktails thrown from the roof”; bloggers disseminated that; Washington Post published it; then some apologist for the massacre blamed the victims; media in Ukraine said the same thing — these are just a few examples). After the massacre, the killers sang patriotic songs, to show their love for their fatherland. Right Sector thugs rejoyced. Politicians from Svoboda even called for more killings.
The Nazis left behind their signatures: the destroyed House of the Trade Unions was covered in Wolfsangel and white supremacy crosses (pseudo-swastikas). By some self-inflicted blindness, the Western reporters, who were there, did not see them. The government has not admitted that the Right Sector were deployed in Odessa, but the Right Sector’s propaganda has done that for them. EuroMaidanPR are the official channels of the Right Sector, and by some of their postings they officially admitted — “EuroMaidan people save separatists from fire” – that they were in Odessa at the burning of the Trade Union building. In another video, they posted, a ”pro-Ukrainian activist” which is one of the captains of the Right Sector squads: in the video linked he is reporting the situation in Odessa — he’s name is Mykola. What he says is the same as it was published by most mainstream media in the West. (He’s the link between the security officials in Kyiv and the Odessa massacre, we’ll discuss this below).
The people butchered and torched inside the building were killed by the law enforcement Nazi thugs of the Kyiv government. It’s not we who call them ”law enforcers” – but Yulia Tymoshenko, Barack Obama and other politicians from Kyiv. These law enforcers and patriots were presented mostly as ultras from Kharkov. Is this how the Neo-Nazis have been colonizing the cities – like they do now with state power positions – up to the point where ultras become their political armies?
On the same day that ultras, controlled and guided by Neo-nazis, went to Odessa to send a message of ”peace and security” (as the current prime-minister, Arseniy Yatsenyuk, explained the military invasion in the industrial East), the Kyiv government has sent an army with tanks and helicopters to invade and quell a rebellion. In the industrial East, people have been protesting after the new Kyiv ruling power imposed its oligarchs as their local governors. It’s in Kyiv where you hear ruling party politicians calling for the extermination of the population of the east – because they are Russian – it’s there where businessmen go on the stage of the EuroMaidan (March 10, 2014) and demand that the ”Russians” be shot in the head. It’s there where schoolchildren are indoctrinated to jump and shout: ”Kill the Moskali” (derogatory term for Russians).
On May 2, 2014, Odessites were trapped inside the Trade Union building, and executed with guns (gun fire can be heard very clearly, at 2:24), or beaten to death, or burned alive. Here, at 4:54, there is blood on the floor, proof that a person was beaten to death. Here, at time code 6:02, a person has just been killed, laying on a pool of blood. Here in another graphic video, a pile of dead bodies is filmed inside the building – all of them residents of Ukraine. Bodies are covered in blood, which means they were beaten to death. Here, there are other bodies. They found no Russian ID: at time code 43:56 in the video, they say that ID belongs to a student from Ukraine, one of the victims. In the same video, there are other bodies, some look like they could have been tortured: the blood and the cable at 45:18, and another dead man at 45:34. There are many others – who were not killed by fire or bullets, or smoke, but murdered. It seems that not all jumped from the windows, some were thrown out the windows. The burned body of a woman was found in a position that suggests she might have been raped.
[The most common accusation from Kyiv against people in Odessa is that the Russian side are Russians: “Something strongly denied by them, see them explaining why in interviews before the massacre, here.]
Initially, the government in Kyiv said people in the building died from the smoke caused by the fire in front of the building (a lie), or that they set themselves on fire inside the building (a lie). Later, the government in Kyiv admitted just what was way too obvious to deny anymore: that 6 people were shot dead, and they claim that 32 were killed by smoke and some gas, and that 10 ”have jumped” from the windows to escape fire. 7 women and a minor (initially they denied there were children in the building) were among the 46 killed people the official death toll of the Odessa massacre. They still have not identified 3 bodies. All those killed were from Odessa and two other localities in Ukraine. Initially, the government claimed they were „Russians from Crimea or Transdniester” clashing with “the peaceful ultras“, when in fact there were are images filmed (here, at 1:22:53) that actually prove that those participating in the killings at the Kulikovo building were part of two new battalions of the National Guard (Right Sector), stationed in Dnepropetrovsk and Odessa, and probably plain clothes police. Even the Unites States’ ambassador said they have no proof that Russia was involved at Odessa. Witness say however the death tool could be much bigger (some speak of 116 people).
What the government still does not admit is what can be seen on the images filmed during the massacre: some people, fallen on the ground from the building on flames, have been beaten to death afterwards (here, at 2:30 and 2:45). Some were beaten to death inside the building. On all the images posted on the internet you can hear gunshots. The government admits they found two pistols inside the building, Molotov cocktails and cans containing residues of flammable substance, and many types of weapons. Among the weapons filmed were machete – the pro-government supporters slashed off the leg of a man on the streets of Odessa (here, at time code 1:00 and 2:28), before the massacre. There is another video with a woman – anti-government – captured by the pro-government supporters on the backside alley of the building right when they invaded and surrounded the House of the Trade Unions. A man in white shirt, (here, at time code 0:21) behind her, is holding a machete – the woman is paralyzed by fear. The cameraman probably saved her life.
In another video, filmed in the back of the building on fire, a girl and another woman scream inside the burning building (at 22.48 and 23.48). The entire video, which is graphic, is translated here. This time, the screams lasted longer and the crowd started to chant to cover up the agony breaking through the walls of fire: ”Glory to Ukraine!” ”Glory to her heroes!” This chant was inherited from the Nazis of Bandera, who in the ’40s tortured and killed Ukrainians, Poles and Jews and who today they are praised as ”national heroes” or nationalists (the photos published here are graphic, they show the victims of Stepan Bandera’s nazis – Ukrainians, Poles and Jews – being tortured, raped, and killed). In the ’80s, Reagan’s administration started the rehabilitation of the Nazis in Eastern Europe, Ukraine too. Bandera was transformed from a Nazi killer – who massacred people, in ways that shocked even Hitler’s army – into a national hero. He also colonized the police, just like Right Sector does these days, (see excerpt from the study on OUN-B at the end of the blog).
[“The leader of the Svoboda party went to Germany to protest the prosecution of John Demjanjuk, who was the Ukrainian who was settled in the United States who was implicated as a concentration camp guard in the killing of innocent people. The German courts found him guilty, and the Svoboda leadership went to Germany to complain about convicting this guy. The reason? They said they didn’t want any Ukrainians tainted with it, because they live a lie: that no Ukrainian had anything to do with the German Nazi regime, when history betrays them, and their own affiliations betray them. But they don’t like that being out there publicly, so they always protest the innocence of any Ukrainian being charged with anything, regardless of what the evidence is.” Source]
The staunchest supporter of this “denazification” (the normalization of Nazism) is today the boss of the secret services, and police and army forces in Ukraine – Andriy Parubiy. Parubiy was a co-founder of a nazi party in 1991, which now is called Svoboda. Nowadays he is a member of the Tymoshenko’s Fatherland, the main current ruling party in Kyiv. Parubiy was the commandant of Euromaidan, which led to the reshuffle of those in power in Kyiv – he was the coordinator of the “volunteer security corps” in Kyiv.
Marching for a massacre
Who were the people the Neo-nazis massacred inside the trade union building? ”Terrorists” (according to the Right Sector Neo-nazis’s official channel), ”separatists” (as the interior minister wrote on his Facebook page) and ”pro-Russian militants” (according to the Western media), ”Russians”, acording to Ukraine’ secret service, SBU. Later, the government had to admit they were all residents of Ukraine.
One of the first pictures of the massacre which was published on the internet was that of a pregnant woman seemingly dead, suspended over a desk. It was presented as the woman whose agonizing screams are heard on the video. But forensics denied there was a pregnant woman among the dead. Media immediately reported the story was fake implying the screams of the woman being murdered were fake too; they are not at all since the witnesses confirm them when they insult the victim.
From the building the police sealed for two days, bodies were still missing. Even media in Ukraine – which is mostly pro-Kyiv government -reported that 48 people are still missing from the Odessa “fire” (they don’t call it a massacre). Forensics also denied there were children among the dead, though two boys were filmed alive, inside the building, together with their mother, at a window of the first floor, before the Nazis torched it (in this video, time code 1:12:38- 1:12:41). Another woman who survived the massacre saw them alive in the room that was later torched. Forced to acknowledge their existence, the officials admitted they were among the wounded in the hospital. The parents of a 17 year old boy helplessly watched their son burning alive inside the building.
The official death toll so far is of 46 killed, witnesses say actually 116 people were murdered in the massacre inside the building. The Western mainstream media reported exclusively the governments’ official story.
They don’t need much “provocation” to go beat people senselessly – just the sight of a red flag or a St.George ribbon at the hand of a person in some car will do.
These are “the peaceful ultras” who marched for Unity of Ukraine in Odessa on May 2, 2014, and clashed with their political rivals in Odessa. Nobody attacked them in Kharkov, they were the ones who beat people up, just like they did in Odessa too, when there were no clashes. The images from Kharkov are important because they show that Right Sector already has access to a force they can use however they want to control their position within the state apparatus. Like they did during the EuroMaidan, but now it’s on a much bigger scale: all over Ukraine. These images also expose some details which will be important in the context of the Odessa clashes that preceded the massacre they committed inside the Trade Union building: they don’t wear any armbands in Kharkov.
On May 2, in Odessa there were two clashes after a football game (Chernomorets Odessa/Metalist Kharkov), which happened when the ultras marched for “the unity of Ukraine.” They were some 1,500. At some point some 300 anti-government protestors (some say 100), of which some were wearing red-armbands, attacked them, or better said, the red armbands did. Only those wearing red-armbands were let by the police to go through to attack “the peaceful ultras.” The pro-Kyiv ultras were wearing armbands too. How did they know to do that, if they only wanted to have their march and no intention to be identifiable from their enemies? During the clashes, 7 people were killed – some by shots. The government propaganda claimed that only “ultras” were killed. It is not so, 3 from the side of the anti-Kyiv protestors were also killed.
After the clashes, the pro-Kyiv ultras and National Guard (the new para-statal force Right Sector gets incorporated into) invaded the Kulikovo square, where the anti-Kyiv activists have organized an encampment. They call their movement “anti-maidan,” and media in Odessa and some say among them there are reactionaries, and “pro-Kremlin supporters or fascists.” Anyway, some of them, about 40, were sleeping in the tents they set up in front of the House of the Trade Union. But all the other people were residents from Odessa who were coming at the camp, mostly to socialize. The fact that they existed was annoying for the Radio Free Europe correspondent who expressed her shock that people were allowed to set up tents at the Kulikovo square (tents in the Independence square in Kyiv were there until the end of May).
The ultras say the massacre just happened – but it is not so, the Right Sector were among them, and later their avatars from the National Guard were sent in; they prepared in advance the Molotovs; attacked a firefighter truck, beat the driver up, and dismantled the equipment.
They attacked some of the anti-Kyiv protestors and other people from Odessa, who were at the encampment, who retreated inside the Trade Union building. Some say that among the people at the encampment were stooges who told them to go inside the building, while a local deputy – who was killed in the massacre – kept yelling at women and children to run away, and not go inside the building. Some anti-Kyiv activists had heard rumors that the government was preparing to destroy their encampment on May Day, but they say they wanted to protect it and that they never thought they would be killed:
“According to Tetiana, there had been rumors going around for several days of an attack on the camp on May 2 by pro-government forces. The young men there said they would stay and defend it to the last. “The young ones said ‘We’re not leaving, we’ll be a memorial to the fact that Odessa will never be a fascist city,’” Tetiana said. “We wanted to help them; we thought if adults were there too it would be safer. It never occurred to us that they would kill us.”” Source
They realized that as the Right Sector and the ultras were invading the building, where they already took refuge, and when they saw others, who had been captured, beaten brutally. The pro-Kyiv stooges can be easily identified as they wear red-armbands. They are the ones who were allowed to break the police chain during the earlier clashes to attack the ultras, they were filmed entertaining with the police chief from Odessa, and being given orders by some hotshot from Kyiv. There are also pictures with them on the roof, next to some Molotovs, and one of them in a light jacket with a shield is photographed behind the barricades at the main entrance of the building. During the massacre and during the fire, pro-Kyiv thugs can be seen and heard firing and beating people up, inside the building. This means they controlled the entries into the building.
After it was done, the survivors were arrested by the police, while their attackers were praised and the new chief of Odessa police even met them when they came to demand from him explanations about why some 70 of the survivors were set free two days later. On May 4th, the families of those arrested stormed the police station, releasing them.
From what the survivors say the massacre inside the building lasted about 2 hours, with the police being present outside the building, and the firefighters saying they were blocked on their way by the Right Sector – there is a video proving that this is the case with at least one firetruck.
The massacre was at first presented by the government as “a fire” which they – and the mainstream media – blamed on the victims inside the building. Later evidence forced the government to say that “they don’t know what started the fire.” Then, the government blamed “the fire” on some strange substance. They want to call the massacre committed inside the Trade Union building “a terrorist attack,” as Petro Poroshenko and Andriy Parubiy have claimed. They claim this substance is the reason people died so suddenly inside the building – just not to utter a single word that they were shot, beaten to death, strangled and burned alive by their supporters. If a strange substance was used, it was probably done by their supporters to cover up the bullet wounds. While they “investigated” this substance, the government ”investigators” were not capable of counting how many Molotovs their supporters threw into and at the building to set it on fire, after and while some of them were murdering people inside.
Here you can see them entering the building BEFORE they set it on fire; here you can see them trying to smash a door behind which people have barricaded; and here you can see them holding clubs in their hands and entering a room from where a woman is shouting at them, then she stops.
The Kyiv government simply refuses to admit that their supporters – Nazis from Right Sector a.k.a. para-statal National Guard, financed from private funding – shot people inside the building and beat them to death, before they set the fire to cover up their crimes.
The Nazis: “Let’s save the bullets!”
A witness, who survived and was arrested, explained that they were told that on May Day their encampment in Kulikovo square would be destroyed. She too says that the people who were massacred inside the building were from Odessa. There is another woman who survived, and she talks about some anti-Kyiv government men from Odessa, equipped with sticks, no fire weapons. She too says that the Molotovs were thrown from outside, that they did not set themselves on fire, like the government and the mainstream media later said. This is her testimony of what happened while she was inside the building.
She was hiding in a room with with three other women and about twelve men when the Nazis attacked them. Two men were already dead, in another room. The men brought their bodies into their room, hoping they could still be saved. But it was too late. They managed to block the door with cupboards and chests and held the door for about 20 minutes. During this time, the barricaded 16 people heard shots in the hallway. Then someone punched the door and asked them to let them in, lying that they were pro-autonomy (anti-Kyiv government) activists. After some deliberation, they decided to crack the door open just to see if this was so. Then, the Right Sector started to attack the door with clubs. The woman looked one of the thugs in the eyes. He was wearing a black mask. He pointed a gun at her and fired, then told the others laughing: “I killed a Colorado!” (Colorado beetle is what the Nazis are calling the anti-Kyiv government people, and not just because the colors of their ribbon, but because see them as bugs to be crushed). But he missed, the bullet did not hit the woman. Then, the thugs threw teargas grenades in their room and they could hold the door just for some minutes. “They managed to break the door and entered the room. Then they immediately shot all men, and those they could not kill on the spot, they beat to death. They said: “Let’s save the bullets.” “These beasts were beating even the two men who were already dead, although the women were screaming to stop that they were not alive.” Then they heard them say they must take the bodies to the basement. The women begged for mercy. The witness told them she had a little child. The Nazis interrogated her for about 15 minutes. They demanded that “she told the truth: that she was Russian.” But she showed them a Ukrainian passport and her residence was Odessa. The women were taken out on the hallway. They saw many bodies, everywhere, even on the stairs. Some nazis were dragging the dead towards the basement. She said many disappeared.
Then they grabbed one of the four women and shoved her into a room. The witness could hear her scream… and then nothing. She said she caught a moment where they were busy, and escaped from the building. Outside she already saw the firefighters and the police. The fire brigade arrived after an hour and a half, though their station is straight across the Trade Union building. And then this woman says: “All Ukrainian politicians in Kyiv praised the massacre.”
A pro-Kyiv government paper published the testimonies of two other witnesses who never mentioned the gun fires, which can be heard on all videos.
How to cover up a massacre
The first information about the massacre in Odessa represented the first official version of the governments story: it said almost nothing about the massacre (what they call “a fire”), and a lot about clashes between ultras and anti-Kyiv activists (about which there is information that they are very reactionary). In spite of the fact that evidence, which totally blew it away, was constantly popping up on the internet – from witnesses and people who filmed outside and inside the building – the mainstream media continued to back up the government’s story. This is an interesting account which says that “both sides set the building on fire” (but the nazis are filmed constantly throwing Molotovs inside the building) and that “the anti-maidan” activists were not the “leftists” imagined by the West, but actually reactionaries and fascists; they also say that indeed the “ultras” march was attacked by “the anti-maidan activists,” which allows them to them rationalize and justify the massacre. These accounts totally ignore any responsibility on behalf of the nazis supported by the Kyiv government, who were the ones who committed the massacre and who are walking free. They were not all “peaceful ultras,” as the accounts say, but they geared up ready to fight, and they also had weapons because they did shoot people inside the Trade Union building, before they set it on fire.
This is what the government said, and the mainstream media repeated without doubts, that happened on May 2, 2014 in Odessa – see here, here, here, and here, while they constantly attempted to whitewash the nazis- :
There was a football match. Pro-government ultras (most of them from Kharkov) and and pro-Russian separatists (as the government and the media defined them) clashed. The ultras set off to march “for the unity of Ukraine.” Being such good ultras, they came equipped to fight, with shields and all that. The pro-Russian separatists came all geared up too. The pro-Russian separatists attacked the good pro-government ultras. There were two fights taking place about the same time, in different places downtown Odessa.
The police are seen protecting the pro-Russian separatists – wearing distinctive red armbands – who shoot automatic riffles from behind the police lines.
There are some snipers too: before they fire, they throw stones at their victims so they can be very well seen and filmed. It seems like these snipers do everything possible to be seen. Of course, they all wear red armbands – the identification sign of the pro-Russian separatists.
These armbands are important because they prove that both sides were previously organized, so there was nothing spontaneous about it, like the people who later attacked the Kulikova camp pretend. How the bad pro-Russian separatists knew to wear armbands, just like the good pro-Kyiv government ultras? Could it be because there was one entity which organized both groups? Why the red armbands and not just St. George Ribbon, which is what the anti-Kyiv supporters wear? Some cops also wear red armbands, so that later police could be singled out and blamed for the whole thing. Conveniently enough, the red armband wearing bad guys are seen collaborating with the police. But the pro-Kyiv ultras get instructions too in front of a police station: in this video at 9:12 a security man enters a police station, while somebody who seems like some nazi captain is lecturing the fighters in front of the police.
A high police official – supposedly against the bad pro-Russian separatists – is filmed giving instructions to the red armband wearing pro-Russian separatists, so “they don’t mess up their tasks”:
“– You have to clearly understand which troop undertakes what task. That’s why, you, see, we always have problems.”
Like with the snipers coordinated by Parubiy, when some of them fired upon protestors back in February Kyiv – that sort of “problems”? (see here at 3:00) Or like the EuroMaidan coordinator shouting from the mic on the stage at the EuroMaidan: “Guys, don’t shoot each other in the back! Pay attention!” – that sort of “problem”? (see here at 5.30)
There were Nazis in Odessa, organizing people: this video shows one of them at 6:22, when he emerged from a street and behind him some cops appeared. Then again at 7:24 he is organizing people. The armband he wears proves he is from the Youth Nationalist Congress – some of the most brutal para-statal nazi squads – who also made up the 14th sotni (or sotnya which means 100, this is how the self-defenses groups coordinated by Parubiy were organized at the Euromaidan). This proves that the 14th sotni were in Odessa – and it is important because the sotni‘s supreme commander was Parubiy, currently the hotshot in the Kyiv security apparatus.
Of course, the government later came up with all sorts of stories to justify why the chief of police from Odessa went missing just in time – they claim he fled the country: quite convenient, the cop who was supposed to be responsible escaped the country just in time. The government says a bus full of bad Russians from Transdniester and Crimea had been stopped before entering Odessa, but some “high official in the police” ordered it released, so they could get into the city. But they have no proof, it’s just because they say so. Before the government said it was a train which arrived with bad “Russians” from Transdniester and Crimea. There also emerged a very bizarre video with some pissed off cops throwing their shields on the ground and leaving. “They got called somewhere else,” was the official explanation. There are lots of other videos that show cops running away in their cars when people are calling for them after somebody got shot next to the group of people wearing red armbands.
These clashes were reported in detail by the Western mainstream media; they avoided to do the same with the massacre inside the Trade Union building in Odessa. This report is a good example of how the governments’ story gets propagated.
Nazis doing some law enforcement
The story of the clashes was disseminated by the government like an excuse, a justification, a rationalization and even an endorsement of the massacre committed by the Nazis inside the Trade Union Building.
This video, which was edited, shows in part what happened – it’s the largest view of the massacre taking place.
At 1:04, you see that the entrance is protected by an extended roof: if Molotovs had been thrown from the roof – where an improvised device was later filmed – they would have had to defy physics laws and make a curve in the opposite direction of the fall, a U-turn, so they could get inside. That exposes another lie told by the government: that the building was set on fire by Molotovs thrown from the roof.
Then there’s the smoke. Initially, government claimed that most people in the building that died suffocated from the smoke. Forensics confirmed it. The first official statements claimed the cause of death was the smoke from the encampment, set on fire in front of the building. Images prove that the huge column of smoke 20-30 meters high was taken by the wind exactly in the opposite direction of the building: see images from 1:16 to 1:29. That means the wind is contradicting the government.
When the anti-Kyiv people were just outside the front of the entrance, the Right Sector were not going towards them either, even though the anti-Kyiv crowd outnumbered them by 1 to 30, or more. Behind the barricades set up on the main entrance stairs, there are just some 20 people. Many more are already inside the building.
At this point in time, the people inside the building were already aware that something bad was going to happen to them. Why did they not escape using the other entries – there are at least 2 other, one on the right side, another one in the back of the building. As others images prove, they tried but could not escape, because the entries were already captured by the Right Sector. Here, at minute 8, Right Sector enter the building, at 8:10 some run to the backside of the building, here 8:26, it’s proof people trapped tried to escape, the Neo-nazis shout:
“They are escaping! Run to the backyard!“
These people from Odessa were intentionally trapped inside the building. Images show Right Sector attackers yelling at each other to go guard all entries so “the Russians” don’t escape. In this video, at 1:20, the Right Sector encourage each other:
“Burn them to hell!”
At 2:15, they yell: “Death to Russians!”
Then, “Hang the Russians! Hang the Russians!” “Hang the Communists!”
At 1:32 on the aerial recording shows a moment captured on other videos where there is heard a huge turmoil and lots of gun fire – the ultras in front of the building get scared: they start to run away from the building. They don’t run because of Molotovs being thrown at them. If they got so scared, you can imagine the brutality of what was happening inside the building.
After that, it’s clear that the video has been cut several times. This is important because these are the only aerial images, and they were released with a text which endorses the government’s version, “that an arson attack happened,” and that the government supporters were “attacked with fire-guns by the rivals in favor of stronger ties with Russia.” The text also implies that the people trapped inside accidentally died from the smoke, that it was “a chaos,” which is an attempt to excuse the Right Sector of any intent. It also quotes the first government version of the events: people died from the smoke and jumped from the building. This version is implicitly asserting that the Right Sector were the victims.
The aerial video, though cut, proves the contrary:
– at 2:02 a fire breaks inside the second room from the right at the third floor, flames are up to the roof of the 4-5 meters high room. A Ukrainian channel actually cut these frames and edited them to prove that the people inside the building set themselves on fire. A lie. On the aerial recording, frames after the fire inside the room breaks out, an object hits the air-conditioner below the window. The intention was clear to create the impression that the people inside the building set the room on fire, because the recording is edited so that the bottle goes unnoticed (you can see that if you look frame by frame), the cut is visible.
– at 2:22 more people come from the lateral streets.
– at 2:25 a Molotov hits a room on the right side of the building, while on the entrance stairs which are continuously pelted with Molotovs there are pro-government supporters. Two of them (one in blue and one in black) are seen waving at people in the square to call them inside the building. One door is already burning. No firefighters are seen. No police.
– at 2:31 a person is seen on the roof, holding a bat and walking on the back side.
– at 2:41 a person runs towards the entrance of the building holding a Molotov with the intent to throw it inside.
– at 2:41 another Molotov has been thrown in the upper right side of the images recorded. Then, before the Molotov can be seen landing, the video is suddenly cut – this shows a failed attempt to hide facts.
– at 2:55 riot police can be seen walking in, like nothing weird was happening around them. It’s almost a friendly walk.
– then at 3:14 the lights of a firetruck are seen. They get to actually do something an hour or so later.
– at 3:43, two people can be seen on the roof. The angle these images are filmed from gives the impression that the building was engulfed in fire, but that wall of smoke was created by the fire set up in front of the building and the wind is directing it away from the building.
What does all of this indicate?
That the intent is to fabricate a story, and the Right Sector attackers were let to massacre their victims. The political reactions regarding this massacre prove that it was meant to instill terror into the hearts and minds of the Odessites. The massacre also carries a symbolic message for the left: in Odessa they set the second Trade Union building on fire. The first one was in Kyiv (of course, they blamed the police of the former president, but it’s interesting that the fire started exactly where the Right Sector had its offices during the EuroMaidan. On their door they had written: Nazis only. Destroying the unions is what Nazis have always done, we don’t call them capitalists’ thugs for nothing.
The massacre inside at Odessa was also meant to send another message: “the purity” of the nation does not tolerate the cosmopolitan society of Odessa.
After the massacre, the police sealed the building for two days, for “investigations.” But just hours later, they did not need one. The interior ministry officials already knew that among the dead there were at least 15 Russians citizens and a few from Transdniester. This corresponded to the official story they already disseminated, during the previous clashes between “the ultras.” This proved to be a lie. The dead were all from Odessa. Later the government said “the separatists” from Russia and Transdniester were among those “arrested.” So, the Kyiv government turned to blame the police, and accused them of “selling themselves.” The ministry of interior from Kyiv got mad not that the police arrested wounded people – survivors of the massacre, that they kept them without to ask them anything more than 70 hours, but that the police let them go, when the police station was stormed by their relatives from Odessa. The ministry of interior was not mad that the police simply acted invisible during the massacre inside the Trade Union building, but that they let the survivors get out of the police arrest.
There is also another surreal scene caught on tape – police and other hotshots from the government probably having a nice and calm conversation on the backside alley in front of the burning building, while people were falling on the ground.
Nazi Police “investigating” their own
The Neo-nazis, who increasingly control and colonize law enforcement and military state structures, seem to be going after the victims, not the aggressors. ”The investigation” seems to be heading towards an official confirmation of the already disseminated government propaganda, in spite of all evidence that show that the real aggressors were on the side of the government, and that the moral responsibility is that of the ruling politicians in Kyiv.
What kind of investigation is that? On May 4th (2 days after the killings) the new police chief in Odessa, Igor Katerinchuk, endorsed the massacre in front of a Right Sector crowd, telling them implicitly that they did good because “separatism is illegal, and so it’s the (separatist) propaganda.” Basically the police chief in Odessa told the Right Sector that they applied the law when they butchered Odessites inside the trade union building. Perhaps an involuntary acknowledgment of the fact that Right Sector attacked people solely for political opinions. Among the crowd were the killers of the people inside the trade union building, who were likely pissed that the families of the survivors managed to take them out from the police station hours earlier (this event too, unlike the massacre inside at Kulikovo, was widely reported by the Western mainstream media).
The most important players involved in the investigation are the same ones involved in the military occupation in the East.
One is the boss of Ukraine’s secret service (SBU), Valentin Nalyvaychenko. He has been working with Right Sector. You can see him in this video preaching at one of the training camps of the Neo-nazis, dressed like a modern monk and saluting them with “Glory to Jesus Christ.” He is introduced by the Rambo wannabe Yarosh. SBU’s boss starts preaching patriotism indoctrination at time code 2:26. This is what he tells the future holy warriors – the meeting took place before the EuroMaidan:
“Yarosh speaking: Glory to Ukraine! Dear friends, it is becoming a tradition that our camp is visited by guests and now a man who has been closely working with our organization throughout the year came to visit us. He is a public and political figure, former head of SBU, and I mean the TRUE head of SBU, Valentin Nalivaychenko, accompanied by his fellow friends. Please, come by closer. Mr. Valentin, welcome.
Valentin Nalyvaychenko, SBU boss, speaking: “Glory to Jesus Christ (fighters repeat after him: “Glory to Jesus Christ! Glory to Ukraine!”). Dear Tridenters (“Trident” is the name of this group), first of all I would like to express my immense support to the what you are doing. We all live in the Dark Age, the time of a complete lack of faith, and, in fact, the time of foreign occupation (he means Soviet Union, which is gone). But this is only making us stronger, and I mean by that our understanding of what should and what must be done to oppose to the occupants. Occupants (that is, Russians) can only be opposed by our own force, by the power of our own thought, by our own power of will, our faith, our state position, but cohesive and well-organized, capable of acting position. Occupation had already taken place here in the past (thanks for this opportunity, he adds), and now it has obtained the forms by which we can observe that the regime of Yanukovych has finally stepped over the line, grading the official language, continuing to embezzle state budget. The power has proclaimed itself beyond the people, beyond the law, promoted out-of-Ukraine language and neglected our own religion and culture. We understand what to do, we understand that the power plays with language law like a monkey holding a grenade. We understand that we can and we must oppose them with cohesive action, Ukrainian action, because patriotism for us is action. Parliamentary elections have proven our ability, – first of all driven by youth-nationalist congress, “State’s rejuvenation”, “Ukrainian business” and other organizations alike to show how non-party young people can join together to act. I support such unions by all means. I strongly support such action. Our goal is to achieve that on these elections, Ukrainian Front arises. A front of real Ukrainian organizations. Those patriots who know what to do and how, who can say and do what they have said, the Ukrainian thing. I call you up to continue to believe in we are doing together, in our common affair, what we are fighting for. This is our land and our values. We are fighting for Ukraine, we are fighting for a free Ukraine, for our faith, faith in God, belief that we are standing on our own land and that we will make order in our house by ourselves. With these words I would like to finish my speech and hand in the certificate to your organization. Glory to Ukraine!
Yarosh speaking: From our part (says the commander of Trident to Nalivaychenko) we would like to present you with this T-shirt with the portrait of Stepan Bandera (well-known Ukrainian terrorist, murderer and Nazi-collaborator during WWII).
Valentin Nalyvaychenko, SBU boss, speaking: This is an honor for me!”
Dmitry Yarosh – has he ever worked in his life? – is the deputy of Andriy Parubiy, the boss of the statal umbrella organizations of the police, army and secret services in Ukraine, called the National Security and Defense Council. They worked together at the EuroMaidan, and were named in state positions by the current minister of interior, four days after the power reshuffle in Kyiv back in February. After they took power, the western-backed fascist dominated coalition in Kyiv created a para-military, para-statal National Guard where they incorporate their Right Sector fighters and other Nazis to “defend the fatherland” from an imaginary war with Russia.
Parubiy’s present is profoundly related to his past: in the ’90s he was the co-founder of a replica of Hitler’s party, which later was transformed into today’s Svoboda, and he was the boss of this party’s para-military wing, the Patriots of Ukraine. Today he is a member of Fatherland. He maintained close relations with far right FN’s Jean-Marie Le Pen, as well as with other Western elites, which makes him probably such a trustable person for NATO. Since early March, he has constantly declared that they are at war with Russia. He already demanded that NATO “help” Ukraine. These pictures, printed by a Neo-nazi magazine from Ukraine, had been originally published in a 1999 book written by Parubiy. Source
He was and remains one of the most fanatic ideological supporter of Stepan Bandera, and he demanded the European Parliament back off when they were enraged Bandera was turned into a national hero. He was the commandant of Euromaidan, which led to the reshuffle of the guys in power in Kyiv – he coordinated the street fighters.
5 days after Yarosh moved his HQ to the east, on April 29, Parubiy was in Odessa on ”a working visit.” He visited a military unit and ”the self-defense units” (Right Sector), who had moved about the same time in eastern Ukraine with their boss Dmitry Yarosh: ”The Secretary of the NSDC of Ukraine met with the Ministry of Internal Affairs Battalion “Storm” formed with volunteers from Odessa. Andriy Parubiy also emphasized the importance of participation of community in the protection of its Motherland. “Now it is very important the participation of the community. There is success where the active rise of people is,” the Secretary of the NSDC of Ukraine said.” Source
On May 2, Mykola was filmed, shooting at people inside the burning trade union building – you can see him firing, in this video at time code 0:10, or in this video at time code 1:45:47). At the beginning of this video – where Mykola is with other Right Sector, being assisted by the local police chief, who later disappeared – somebody in military outfit – who also met Parubiy on April 29 in Odessa – is ordering the police chief of Odessa:
“- Make a corridor for us, and we’ll take care of the rest.”
The version of events in Odessa, prior to the massacre, reported by Mykola in this video is the one that had been disseminated by the media, local correspondents, and some bloggers. The video was posted by the official channel of the Right Sector, where Mykola is presented as “Ukrainian activist.”
Mykola later said he did nothing wrong, that he did not shoot at the people inside the building and that his neo-nazi thugs from Right Sector did not have any Molotov cocktails – it’s just amazing how he does not give a damn that there are tens of videos on the internet showing his thugs throwing Molotovs inside the building – and, of course, “the fire” was started by those throwing Molotovs from the roof of the building. See here at 5:47 Molotovs thrown at the building while Mykola (from time code 6:20 to 6:50) is filmed opening fire – there lots of gunfire heard, inside and outside the building, during the entirety of the footage. During the first 7 minutes of the footage, most of them seem to come from his pistol.
While this nazi pathological liar was firing real bullets at the people inside the burning building, some were trying to help people trapped inside the building – because the people trapped had told them they were from Odessa. The most violent of them, by their accent were from Kharkov, these trying to help seem to be from Odessa. This scene happened almost an hour after the massacre started. The fire station was just a few hundred meters away from the building, but the firemen were not allowed to reach Kulikovo.
Even when they turned ”humanitarian” in front of the recording cameras – helping some people who were already filmed alive, while others were being killed inside the building – one of them – is throwing a Molotov cocktail at the people trapped inside a room at the second floor, but he misses (see here, the seconds from 11:00 to 11:05). At 12:26 and 12:30 it is visible that the person who tried to torch the people in that room was wearing a bullet prof vest under his sport blouse. At 17:00 a firetruck arrives, at 18:36 the firetruck is seen in front of the building, being stopped there. At 17:46, they were still throwing Molotovs at the main entrance.
At 18:08 – just as the Right Sector were writing Nazi symbols on the wall of the building, for the next 10 seconds there can be seen what appears to be gun fire at the 5th window on the first floor. The video is here.
“- Let’s burn those motherfuckers right in the building, fucking faggots!”
Nazis killed, Nazis replace the police
“Our battalions are part of the new territorial defense. We have close contact with the intelligence services and the general staff…. Our revolution will only be completed when we have totally renewed the state,” said Dmitry Yarosh in an interview for Der Spiegel. “Renewing the state,” first by taking control of the armed forces. They mean reconquista and certainly the western governments supporting them know this too well.
The neo-nazi Parubiy is among the investigators of the Odessa massacre, and he already claimed that ”a strange substance was in that building,” insinuating this is why the fire happened, so they can officially cover up that Right Sector torched the building. But the building was torched by Right Sector who were outside and inside, during the whole massacre. On this video at 6:50 the rooms at the first level of the building are already burning – they were torched by Molotovs thrown either from inside – by the Right Sector, or from outside, through the window. At 6:58 it’s clearly seen that the rooms at the second floor, third floor and forth floor are also burning. Inside the building can be heard explosion, gun fire, and other sounds which indicate there are people attacking others inside the building.
The Neo-nazis used the Odessa massacre to deploy the National Guard (Right Sector) after they had the chief of police play by their music and then got rid of him. Basically, their own forces are making the law in Odessa now, and they replicate this in the entire east. Right Sector is recruiting publicly- their people are paid by business owners – like the ones recorded here. They use “the Russia-scare” to justify the colonization of the power positions in the country. The “self defense armed groups” – the street army during the EuroMaidan – will probably be officially dismantled, but that is because they already have been incorporated into the new police and army forces. Yarosh, however, announced he would keep his own armed group.
[The Right Sector are already evicting the official police, so they can replace them – see here how they collect the data of police agents and probably will use it to purge them. This colonization started 2 days before they took power back in February, if not sooner. In an interview for Time, Yarosh has said he was negotiating separately with Yanukovych’s forces, including his police. This documentary, in Russian, shows the terror his thugs from Right Sector (National Guard) inflict upon the civilian population in the east – locals there call them locusts because all they leave behind is death, destruction and terror. (see here) When 17,000 police from the former regime quit en mass in the east of the country, the new Kyiv government was in shock, and called them “traitors.” But maybe they had good reasons to do it, especially after Odessa.
“But taking part in the democratic process is not part of Yarosh’s strategy. “We are not politicians,” he says in his office, a pack of Lucky Strikes and a walkie-talkie on the table in front of him, while a sentry in a black ski mask and bulletproof vest stands by the door. “We are soldiers of the national revolution.” His entire adult life has been spent waiting for such a revolution to “steer the country in a new direction, one that would make it truly strong, not dependent on either the West or the East.”” Source
This must be repeated: it’s tragic that historians don’t know at least this about how nazis have always worked: they don’t care to be “democratically representative,” they want power by all means. In fact, colonizing police was also how Fuhrer-wannabe-Bandera worked during World War II.
As this 2010 Harvard University (56) study shows (find it here or here or here Katchanovski, see also the notes at the end of the blog): “Historical studies show that many representatives of the OUN and a significant proportion of the UPA members were involved in the Nazi genocide. [… ]The OUN-B and the OUN-M established local police and administration in many regions of Ukraine, particularly in the West, following the German occupation of Ukraine in 1941. […] The local police helped to implement the Nazi genocides of Jews, Ukrainians, Russians, Byelorussians, and Poles by assisting in mass executions. […] A large part of the auxiliary police in Volhynia abandoned their positions on the orders of the OUN-B and helped to create the UPA in the spring of 1943. […] Many top commanders of the UPA were former police commanders in Nazi occupied Ukraine. […]”
After the massacre, the government deployed more of their Nazi Right Sector (a.k.a. National Guard) troops to Odessa. A parallel process is happening with Ukraine’s army: on May 6, the army commander was sacked and replaced with one of their own, and “defense battalions” formed “by volunteers” are created by the Nazi bosses to sideline the army too, first in the industrial east (Donetsk,Lugansk, Dnipropetrovsk). In Odessa too, they do the same: “We are establishing a special army unit of 400 people. Their task would be to quickly restore law and order in the region. The salary is small but we will pay extra from the ‘Patriot’ fund,” Odessa’s former governor was quoted as saying. Para-statal force, just confirmed. No law needed for the law enforcers.
Svoboda politician: “I’d shoot them all”.
The former governor of Odessa was fired after he said Yulia’s Tymoshenko’s lieutenant in Odessa was involved. Igor Palitsa was appointed new governor of Odessa, and said that he is convinced “the enemy is within.” Tymoshenko later blamed Russia for the massacre (not many remember that Putin was incredibly pissed off when she was jailed for the 2009 Gazprom deal). She lied that in the clashes between “ultras” “7 people were killed, who stood up for the unity of Ukraine, against war, against the occupation.” But 3 anti-Kyiv protestors were also killed by red armband “ultras” who being organized by high police officials from Kyiv. Andriy Parubiy, boss over security and defense forces in Ukraine, openly blamed Russia too – just because he says so (not many want to see that he himself should be investigated his visit to Odessa’s Right Sector just 3 days prior to the massacre). Ukraine’s Prosecutor General Oleh Makhnitsky said, “The action (in Odessa) was not prepared at some internal level, it was a well-planned and coordinated action in which some authorities’ representatives have taken part.” He probably means Russia, but the officials from Kyiv, whose involvement is filmed are working for Russia? The United States’ ambassador in Kyiv however said there is no proof Russia was involved.
Hours after the massacre, in a press conference with Germany’s Angela Merkel, U.S.’s Obama announced that, “The Ukrainian government had the right and responsibility to uphold law and order within its territory.” This statement means that the government in Kyiv was involved in the massacre.
Yulia Timoshenko thanked the Nazi killers: “I want to say big thanks to all who came and fight in Odessa for our Ukraine.” But they said “the ultras” were in Odessa for a football game, not for any fight so where is this coming from? She continues, “Also I want to tell that all military action that will be released in nearest future will be against any mass meeting of people.” These are exactly the European values people protested for in Kyiv. The nazis “protected an administrative building,” Yulia Tymoshenko said. Indeed, Nazis always “protect” trade union buildings by setting them on fire.
Ukraine’s Prime Minister Arseniy Yatsenyuk tried to play human, but failed: “This is not a tragedy only for Odessa. This is a tragedy for all Ukraine.” The un-elected Prime Minister Arseniy Yatsenyuk implied that Russia was to blame, but also blamed local police for their “inability to maintain order.” Earlier he blamed the secret services of Ukraine. While attempting to sound human, he covered up the crimes actually. The use of the word “tragedy” implies there was no intent, no killers.
At least 46 people (officially admitted) did not just “die,” they were murdered, that means that other people caused their death. Most died by gun shots, others were beaten to death, at least another woman was seen being taken away alive by Nazis, her screams were heard, other women can be heard screaming, too. It was not “a fire” – like the government and media later said – the building did not simply “catch fire”, a fire did not simply “break out” (there was no invisible hand at work at Kulikovo). The building, with people intentionally trapped in it, was set on fire, and this was not meant to be stopped or prevented by the police. The police did help both sides during the clashes between “ultras” and “separatists.” But it was not this that enraged the minister of interior, but the fact that the local police from Odessa let the survivors go – they were arrested en mass after they were taken from the building. The police let them go after their families from Odessa stormed the police station and set them free.
Svoboda’s Irena Farion expressed her joy at the burning building: ”Devils should burn in hell. Football fans make the best rebels. Bravo!” She later said they should all be killed. Odessa was not tough enough. In Donetsk, she says, they must go to the end:
“We need to get tougher. Excuse me, but I’d simply shoot them all. Listen, the enemy (Donetsk, eastern Ukraine) is on our land. What are we talking about? We should have driven the enemy out of Ukraine as early as in 1654. Today’s reaction is absolutely legitimate. We need stronger measures against them. Our people died. That’s why these alien creatures, who have come to Ukraine, deserve only one thing: they should all be killed.”
Of course, Svoboda and Right Sector do not even hide their beliefs in Lebensraum and “national purity,” but we must never call them Neo-fascists and Neo-nazi, because, you see, the western intelligentsia might have trouble whitewashing them.
Giant middle finger for the war machine
“A giant middle finger to the “peace” community in the West, these apologists of the war machine, and especially liberals and elements of the First-World Left who are always the last to see that their purist intellectual detachment is always – always – suspiciously close to empire’s agenda, who watch (and cheerlead!) while the U.S. and its proxies slaughter innocents and thwart the will of the people from Afghanistan to Zaporizhia, a city in southeastern Ukraine.
The United Nations has exposed itself as an eager and unabashed tool of western supremacy and apologist for the crimes of empire. It will be discarded along with the other detritus of the old world as Unjust, UNequal and UNwilling to break the yoke of the western paradigm. I think the organization is much worse than useless. I actually think this conflict in Ukraine is the death knell for the UN, along with the IMF/EU/NATO and all the other western organizations which act in concert to try to force billions of people to believe that 2 + 2 = 5. They are the problem, and they have no solutions. As it should be, for as Eduardo Galleano gently reminded us, “it would be strange if the remedy should come from the United States, the same place which brings us the disease.” Amid the lies and distortions of a bought-and-sold press and a government propaganda machine, we can still cut through the bullshit and see the hustlers for what they are: pitchmen of a war machine hell bent on selling us more death and destruction. We all have it within us to refuse the pitch.”
“Now people understand that it is not necessary to believe in leaders. We don’t need to believe in any Yanukovich, we don’t need to believe in a Party of Regions. We need to organize ourselves BY ourselves, and to remember our own history, remember our own culture. That is our foundation.” Source
* “The OUN-B tried to familiarize Ukrainian society with the fascist and authoritarian idea that the Ukrainian state should be governed and controlled by the OUN and the providnyk, whose body incorporated and symbolized the whole of Ukraine. All other Ukrainian parties and political organizations were perceived as “opportunistic” or obstructive, and were to be opposed and eventually eliminated. The whole of society would be militarized and kept “combat-ready.” The ethnic minorities of Ukraine were treated as potential enemies of the Ukrainian state, especially the Jews in which the OUN-B saw the “hand of the Muscovite-Bolshevik regime.” (42)
It’s not as if the West is not responsible for the anti-Semitic outbursts in Ukraine. After the 2004 Orange revolution, which saw former president Yushchenko using the resurrection of Nazi allies to boost his political career, and shortly after his “humiliating defeat in the first round of elections” (41) he resurrected Stepan Bandera, the “providnyk” (equivalent to the German “Führer” or the Italian “duce”) of the OUN-B (which separated themselves from the OUN because they wanted to follow Nazi Germany): “The red and black flag symbolizing blood and earth (Blut und Boden) was introduced as the emblem of the OUN-B. It resonated with the racist and nationalistic German ideology that suggested the inseparability of a people and their homeland as well as a natural attraction to “the soil” which took on spiritual and mythological connotations. The OUN-B tried to familiarize Ukrainian society with the fascist and authoritarian idea that the Ukrainian state should be governed and controlled by the OUN and the providnyk, whose body incorporated and symbolized the whole of Ukraine. All other Ukrainian parties and political organizations were perceived as “opportunistic” or obstructive, and were to be opposed and eventually eliminated. The whole of society would be militarized and kept “combat-ready.” The ethnic minorities of Ukraine were treated as potential enemies of the Ukrainian state, especially the Jews in which the OUN-B saw the “hand of the Muscovite-Bolshevik regime.” (42) See more here
** Excerpt from the study : “Terrorists or National Heroes? Politics of the OUN and the UPA in Ukraine” by Ivan Katchanovski, Ph.D., Davis Center for Russian and Eurasian Studies, Harvard University:
“A large part of the auxiliary police in Volhynia abandoned their positions on the orders of the OUN-B and helped to create the UPA in the spring of 1943. The former policemen, who joined the UPA on OUN-B orders, along with former members of auxiliary police units controlled by the OUN-M and by Taras Borovets and incorporated into the UPA, constituted about half of all UPA members in the fall of 1943 (Estimated from Vovk). Many top commanders of the UPA were former police commanders in Nazi occupied Ukraine. For example, Mykola Kovtoniuk (Yakymchuk), the commandant of the Lutsk city police in 1941, an OUN-B leader in the Volyn Region, became the first commander of the “Turiv” Military District of the UPA. (See Sprava 1, Sodol, Ukrainska povstancha armiia, 1943-49. Dovidnyk druhyi 117). Stepan Yanishevsky, a deputy commander of the police in Vinnytsia in 1941-1943, was the acting head of the “Zahrava” Military District in 1944. These two districts, which covered most of Volhynia, were the most important formations in the UPA-North. Omelian Hrabets, the head of the regional police in Rivne in 1941 and the leader of the OUN-B in the Rivne Region in 1941-1942, was the commander of the UPA-South in 1943-1944. (See Kentii, Zbroinyi chyn 237; Sodol, Ukrainska povstancha armiia, 1943-49. Dovidnyk 74, 136).
Local Ukrainian police commanders and members assisted Nazi executioners in implementing the Nazi genocidal policy by rounding Jews and guarding them during mass executions, catching escapees, and guarding Jewish ghettos. For example, senior police commanders and police members, a large proportion of whom later joined the UPA on the order of the OUN-B, served in these capacities in the biggest cities and many small towns of the Volyn Region when mass executions of Jews took place (See Antoniuk 19, 25-26, 34). Estimated numbers of Jews who were executed or killed by other means in these locations from the end of June 1941 to spring 1943 are as follows: 20 thousand in Volodymyr Volynsk, 15 thousand in Lutsk, 15 thousand in Kovel, 3 thousands in Matsiiv, 3 thousands in Torchyn, and 800 in Kolky (Spector 362-364). For instance, Soviet postwar trials of Ukrainian policemen from Schutzmannschaft Battalion 103, which was based in Matsiiv (now Lukiv), and which joined the UPA in spring 1943, reveal that this police unit participated in mass executions of Jews in Matsiiv, Volodymyr Volynsk, and several other towns in the Volyn Region (See Antoniuk 25; Nakonechnyi 13).
The police from these Volhynian towns before defecting to the UPA participated in mass executions in other locations although its specific units are not yet identified in many cases. For example, the police from Lutsk assisted in the Nazi executions of some 4 thousands Jews in Sofiivka in summer and fall of 1942 (Cybulski 67, Nakonechnyi 2003). A significant part of the regional and district police based in Lutsk joined the UPA in spring 1943 (Antoniuk 25-26). In addition, the UPA killed on its own at least a thousand of Jews, who survived the Nazi genocide11 (Himka).
Similarly, the local police was used in guarding and catching Soviet POWs, most of whom were Russians and Ukrainians. For example, the archival police records show that the police in Lutsk under command of Mykola Kovtoniuk (Yakymchuk) and other local OUN-B leaders during summer 1941 handed over Soviet POWs, including Ukrainians, to the German police (Sprava 1). Soviet estimates of the number of Soviet POWs, who perished as a result of the Nazi genocidal policy in POW camps located in these towns in the Volyn Region, are as follows: 25 thousand in Volodymyr Volynsk, 12 thousand in Kovel, and 11 thousand in Lutsk (Dovidnyk 209).
Police from Ratno assisted in mass murder of close to 3000 Ukrainians in the village of Kortelisy and several neighboring villages in the Volyn Region in September 1942 (Olkhovsky). In April 1943, the Ratno police joined the UPA (Antoniuk 25). Similarly, the auxiliary police from Tsuman, most of which later joined the UPA, helped to carry out mass executions of more than 130 residents of the Ukrainian village of Klubochyn and about 50 people in the Polish settlement of Oborky in November 1942 (Sprava 4).
Even though this question has not yet been addressed by specific studies, there is a strong likelihood that the Schutzmannschaft Battalion 201 was involved in implementation of the Nazi genocides of the Jews and the Byelorussians during the war (See Rudling, “The Shukhevych Cult”). Such police units participated in mass executions of Jews and Byelorussians (See Dean; Nakonechnyi; Rudling, “The Shukhevych Cult,” “The Khatyn‟ Massacre”). Many top commanders of the UPA came from this police battalion. For example, the former officers of the Schutzmannschaft Battalion 201 included: Roman Shukhevych, the Supreme commander of the UPA from 1943 to 1950; Oleksander Lutsky, the organizer and the first Commander of the UPA-West, which was based mainly in Galicia, and Vasyl Sydor, the Commander of UPA-West in 1944-1949 (Sodol, Ukrainska povstancha armiia, 1943-49. Dovidnyk).
Many nationalist politicians and historians in Ukraine cite anecdotal accounts of arrests and killings of OUN and UPA leaders by Germans, October 1942 as the date of creation of the UPA, and individual clashes between UPA and German forces as evidence of anti-Nazi activities. However, the analysis of 118 biographies of OUN-B and UPA leaders in Ukraine during World War II shows that at least 46% of them served in top positions in the regional and local police and administration, the Nachtigall and Roland Battalions, the SS Galicia Division, or studied in German-sponsored military and intelligence schools, primarily, in the beginning of World War II. At least 23% of the OUN-B and UPA leaders in Ukraine were in the auxiliary police, Schutzmannschaft Battalion 201, and other police formations, 18% in military and intelligence schools in Germany and Nazi-occupied Poland, 11% in the Nachtigall and Roland Battalions, 8% in the regional and local administration in Ukraine during the Nazi occupation, and 1% in the SS Galicia Division. (Calculated from Sodol, Ukrainska povstancha armiia, 1943-49. Dovidnyk, with use of other biographical sources). The percentage of Nazi collaborators among the OUN-B and UPA leadership is likely to be higher than this estimate since in many cases information concerning their activities in occupied Ukraine and Poland in the beginning of the war is not available.
At the same time, at least 27% of the wartime OUN-B and UPA leaders in Ukraine were arrested or interned at various times by the German security forces, police and other occupational authorities. However, it is striking that all of them, with the exception of Ivan Klymiv, were either released relatively soon or were able to escape, some more than once. (Calculated from Sodol, Ukrainska povstancha armiia, 1943-49. Dovidnyk, with use of other biographical sources). Similarly, Stepan Bandera and the absolute majority of other top leaders of the OUN who were arrested or detained by the Nazis, were not murdered, but were released by the Nazi authorities by the end of the war, in contrast to the majority of Jewish prisoners and Soviet POWs.
President Yushchenko officially commemorated October 1942 as the date of creation of the UPA in order to emphasize its anti-Nazi activity. For example, he personally visited in October 2009 the town of Kolky in the Volyn Region to commemorate the said UPA anniversary and proclaim UPA members, who created the “Kolky Republic,” as national heroes because, according to him and nationalist historians, they liberated a significant part of the Volyn Region from the Nazis in Spring 1943.12 However, historical studies and archival documents show that the Ukrainian Insurgent Army was created by the OUN-B in Volhynia not in October 1942, but in Spring 1943 after the turn of the war, which was brought about by a defeat of the German Army and its allies in the battle of Stalingrad, and after Soviet partisan units moved to Volhynia from Eastern Ukraine (Orhanizatsia). Even though Galicia was the main stronghold of the OUN-B, the formation of the UPA in Galicia begun only in the end of 1943, and it was fully organized only by spring and summer of 1944 shortly before this region came under Soviet control.
Although two small armed units existed in Volhynia since the end of 1942, they were organized by OUN commanders who served in the local police, and their first attack against German forces dates to February of 1943 (Sodol, Ukrainska povstancha armiia, 1943-49. Dovidnyk druhyi 38-39, 76-76). Many of the anti-German attacks attributed to the UPA coincided with the defection of the Ukrainian auxiliary police in Volhynia in March-April 1943. Many locations in Volhynia, in particular, an area around a town of Kolky, came under control of the UPA as a result of the defection of 4-5 thousand out of about 12 thousand Ukrainian policemen in the region. German police forces in Volhynia numbered at that time only about 1.5 thousand (See Motyka 193, 197). Kolky was seized by UPA units without any fight after most of the Kolky police, which participated in mass killings of the local Jewish population, deserted to the UPA, and a small contingent of German gendarmes abandoned the town (Sprava 12). These UPA units were led by Mykola Kovtoniuk and Stepan Koval, who were the former police commanders in Lutsk and became organizers of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army in the Volyn Region after most of Lutsk policemen on their orders deserted to the UPA in March of 1943 (Sodol, Ukrainska povstancha armiia, 1943-49. Dovidnyk druhyi 42-43). Archival police records implicate police units under their command in participation in the Nazi genocidal policy of annihilation of Jews and Slavs among the local population and POWs. (Sprava 1, Sprava 7).
The UPA carried a certain number of military actions against German police and military forces, their allies, and Polish and other collaborators. However, reliable estimates of German casualties as a result of UPA activity are lacking. Many sources imply that thousands of Germans were killed by the UPA (See, for example, Kentii, Ukrainska povstanska armiia 133). Nevertheless, casualty numbers cited for individual battles and skirmishes against German forces are often significantly inflated because the corresponding casualties of the UPA are given as being several dozen times lower. Similarly, reports concerning a killing of General Viktor Lutze by an UPA unit in Volhynia in 1943 are likely to be falsified since German sources list a car accident in Germany as a cause of his death (See Motyka 202-203).
The size of anti-German activity of the UPA and the Bandera faction of the OUN was relatively minor compared to their anti-Soviet activity. For example, at most, 6% of OUN-B and UPA leaders in Ukraine during World War II died as result of German actions. In comparison, 53% of the OUN and UPA leaders in Ukraine perished as result of actions of Soviet security and military forces and their Polish, Czechoslovak, and East German allies. In addition, 19% were arrested by the Soviet and allied governments, and they were executed, died in detention, or received long sentences. Some 12% of the OUN and UPA leaders escaped to the West, where none of them was prosecuted and some of them, such as Mykola Lebed, were used by Western intelligence services, in particular, the CIA, during the Cold War with the Soviet Union (See Breitman, Goda, Naftali, and Wolfe). (Calculated from Sodol, Ukrainska povstancha armiia, 1943-49. Dovidnyk, with use of other biographical sources). The leaders of the OUN-B and the
UPA in Ukraine had several times smaller chances to perish due to German actions and policies than adult Ukrainians. (See Katchanovski, “Politics of Soviet and Nazi Genocides;” Vallin, Mesle, Adamets, and Pyrozhkov).
An analysis of 348 biographies of leaders and members of the Security Service (SB) of the OUN-B in the Volyn Region produces similar results. The SB OUN-B also served as the security service of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army. Only 0.3% of the SB leaders and members in the Volyn Region were killed by German forces, while 0.3% were killed by Polish forces. In comparison, 44% died or were arrested fighting with the Soviet forces, and 2% were executed by the Security Service of the OUN-B. (Calculated from Antoniuk).
Many previous studies explicitly or implicitly attribute mass murder of Poles, Jewish pogroms, and involvement in the Nazi genocide of Jews to Ukrainians or the local Ukrainian population. Ukrainians are regarded as perpetrators of the mass murder or supporters of the OUN, the UPA, and the Ukrainian auxiliary police. (See, for example, Siemaszko and Siemaszko; Spector; Piotrowski). For instance, the Public Opinion Research Center poll found in 2008 that just 5% of Poles attribute “crimes” committed in Volhynia in 1943 to the UPA and Ukrainian nationalists, while 14% blame Ukrainians, and 19% erroneously single out Russians, the Soviet Union, Stalin, and NKVD as the perpetrators.13”
“The issue of political rehabilitation and heroization of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army became one of the central political issues in Ukraine after the “Orange Revolution.” It provoked major political controversies and debates among historians in Ukraine and other countries. President Yushchenko, nationalist parties, and many Ukrainian historians attempted to recast the OUN and the UPA as a popular national liberation movement, which fought both against Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union, and to present OUN and UPA leaders as national heroes. They either denied or justified by its pro-independence struggle, the involvement of the OUN and the UPA in terrorism, the Nazi genocide, and the ethnic cleansing.
However, historical studies and archival documents show that the OUN relied on terrorism and collaborated with Nazi Germany in the beginning of World War II. The OUN-B (Stepan Bandera faction) by means of its control over the UPA masterminded a campaign of ethnic cleansing of Poles in Volhynia during the war and mounted an anti-Soviet terror campaign in Western Ukraine after the war. These nationalist organizations, based mostly in Western Ukraine, primarily, in Galicia, were also involved in mass murder of Jews during World War II.
Publications produced by former leaders and members of the OUN and the UPA and their followers in the West, generally, presented these organizations as a movement for independence of Ukraine while omitting or minimizing their participation in the mass murder of Poles, Jews, and Ukrainians (See, for example, Litopys Ukrainskoi Povstanskoi Armii). Similar approaches were adopted by many historians of the OUN and the UPA in post-Soviet Ukraine. They often uncritically relied on documents or memoirs produced by OUN and UPA leaders and members, who had vested interest in presenting positive histories of their organizations. In contrast, Ukrainian, Polish, Jewish, and Russian archival documents and eyewitness accounts that offered a different perspective on the OUN and the UPA were often marginalized or used selectively. (See, for example, Litopys UPA, Serhiichuk; Ukrainska). For instance, the website of the Ukrainian National Memory Institute contains almost exclusively documents, publications, and links concerning the activities the OUN and the UPA that were primarily produced by these organizations or their contemporary supporters.7
After the “Orange Revolution” in 2004, President Viktor Yushchenko and many other nationalist politicians at the national, regional and local levels employed and promoted such uncritical historical approaches in their policy of the political rehabilitation and heroization of the OUN and the UPA. For example, Ihor Yukhnovsky, the acting Director of the Ukrainian National Memory Institute, which was created by Yushchenko‟s order with a status of a central government agency, stated that “a return Stepan Bandera‟s good name on the whole territory of Ukraine” was the main task of this government institute (See Stepan Bandera 10). The Security Service of Ukraine publicized such approaches concerning the OUN and the UPA. For instance, during Yushchenko‟s presidency, Volodymyr Viatrovych, the head of the Center for the Studies of the Liberation Movement in Lviv in Western Ukraine, became the director of the State Archive of the Security Service of Ukraine.
The nationalist politicians and historians in Ukraine presented the OUN and the UPA as a Ukrainian national liberation movement, which started in Western Ukraine with a broad popular support and extended to many other regions of Ukraine. They argued that the OUN-B was forced to collaborate with Nazi Germany not for ideological reasons, but because it was in interest of the pro-independence struggle and that this collaboration effectively ended after the Nazi leadership refused to accept a declaration of the Ukrainian independence by OUN-B leaders in Lviv on June 30, 1941. These politicians and historians emphasized that many OUN-B leaders and ordinary members, including Stepan Bandera, were arrested, imprisoned in concentration camps, or executed by the Nazis. They presented the Ukrainian Insurgent Army as a guerrilla force which included not only ethnic Ukrainians, but also a significant number of minorities, such as Jews, Georgians, and Tatars. The UPA was depicted as a guerrilla army which fought primarily against Soviet and German police and military forces and Soviet and Polish partisans. Mass killings of Polish civilians were either ignored, or justified as retaliatory actions of UPA for the pacification policy of the Polish government before World War II and murders of Ukrainian nationalists in the Chelm region. Similarly, killings of Ukrainian civilians were either dismissed as Soviet propaganda or attributed to “false flag” operations by the Soviet security forces that
misrepresented themselves as UPA units. (See Ukrainska; Marples, Heroes and Villains, “Anti-Soviet Partisans.”)
For instance, President Yushchenko claimed that a half million of Ukrainians fought in the UPA in 1943.8 However, OUN and UPA sources put membership of the UPA at about 25-30 thousand in 1944 when it reached the greatest numerical strength (Sodol, Ukrainska povstancha armiia, 1943-49. Dovidnyk 47). Its membership was much smaller before and after that time. The OUN was most active in Galicia in the 1930s and 1940s. The majority of leaders and members of two factions of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists were from this region of Western Ukraine. Although the UPA was initially established by the OUN-B in Volhynia, most of UPA leaders and members were from Galicia. For example, analysis of 118 biographies of leaders of the UPA and the OUN-B in Ukraine published in Sodol (Ukrainska povstancha armiia, 1943-49. Dovidnyk) shows that 71% of them were from Galicia, 20% from Volhynia, 1% from Bukovyna, 6% from historically Eastern Ukraine, and 2% from other countries or their place of birth was unknown. The data exclude non-OUN and non-UPA members of the Supreme Ukrainian Liberation Council, which was created in the middle of 1944 and played a ceremonial role.9
The analysis of ideology and policy of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists, which split into the Bandera faction (OUN-B) and the Melnyk faction (OUN-M) in 1940, primarily because of tactical and leadership differences, shows that it was a semi-totalitarian organization which combined elements of extreme nationalism and fascism (See Motyl). The OUN envisioned a creation of an independent Ukrainian state that was allied with Nazi Germany and run as a dictatorship by OUN leaders. This monoethnic state, similar in many ways to Ustashi Croatia, was supposed to include parts of modern day Russia, Poland, and Byelorussia. The OUN regarded such minorities in Ukraine as Jews, Poles, and Russians, as hostile (See Berkhoff and Carynnyk; Motyka; Rudling, “Theory and Practice”). Although its official ideology abandoned many of the extreme elements since 1943, actual policies of the OUN-B did not change to the same extent. For example, the UPA in 1943 and 1944 undertook an ethnic cleansing campaign against Poles in Volhynia.
The UPA included some units comprised from non-Ukrainians, such as Georgians, Azeries, and Uzbeks. However, these units consisted mainly from former Soviet POWs, who were recruited by Germans and then joined the UPA mostly for instrumental reasons. A very small number of Jews served in the UPA, primarily in such secondary capacities as doctors. Their presence was also motivated primarily by instrumental reasons, since they tried to escape the Nazi genocide while the UPA used them because it needed medical and other such services that could not be provided by Ukrainians. It appears that most of these minorities in the UPA deserted to the Soviet side or were killed by the UPA. (See Diukov; Himka; Motyka; Sodol, Ukrainska povstancha armiia, 1943-49. Dovidnyk).
Both the OUN and the UPA were terrorist organizations because their actions correspond to academic definitions of terrorism as use or a threat of use of violence against civilians by organizations and other non-state actors in order to intimidate and to achieve political goals (See Hoffman, 2006). The Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists relied on a campaign of assassinations of Polish and Soviet officials and pro-Polish Ukrainians in the 1930s in order to advance its political goals. For example, Stepan Bandera, and other leading members of the OUN, such as Mykola Lebed Roman Shukhevych, organized in 1934 an assassination of Bronislaw Pieracki, the Polish Minister of Internal Affairs.
There is also evidence of the involvement of the OUN in international terrorism, but this aspect of the OUN activity still remains largely unresearched. For example, archival documents at the Roosevelt Presidential Library show that the U.S. Secret Service, the FBI, and Henry Field, a special intelligence aide to President Franklin Delano Roosevelt, investigated an involvement of OUN members, leaders, and sympathizers in a possible Nazi-led plot to assassinate U.S. President Roosevelt. These documents indicate that Christian Zinsser, an agent of German security services who worked under cover of a German press attaché in Buenos Aires, recruited in the beginning of 1941 Hryhorii Matseiko with a mission to kill President Roosevelt.10 (See Henry Field Papers.) Matseiko was an OUN terrorist who assassinated Pieracki on the order of Stepan Bandera. The same archival documents and Pavel Sudoplatov, a Soviet intelligence agent who infiltrated the OUN leadership in the middle of the 1930s, both independently refer to assistance provided by the OUN to Croatian Ustashi in the assassination of the King of Yugoslavia and the French Foreign Minister in France in 1934 (See Henry Field Papers; Sudoplatov 26)…
The UPA mounted an anti-Soviet terror campaign in Western Ukraine. KGB data put Soviet casualties of the OUN-UPA in 1944-1953 at 22 thousand civilians, compared to about 8 thousand members of military, security, police, and paramilitary forces. Most of the civilian casualties were pro-Soviet local Ukrainians, Soviet and Communist Party officials, and intelligentsia, many of whom came from historically Eastern Ukraine. (See Politychnyi 771).
“Historical studies show that many representatives of the OUN and a significant proportion of the UPA members were involved in the Nazi genocide. The Nazi genocidal policy was responsible for deaths of most of about 7 million people, including 1.5 million Jews, who perished in Ukraine during World War II (Brandon and Lower; Katchanovski, “Politics of Soviet and Nazi Genocides;” Vallin, Mesle, Adamets, and Pyrozhkov). In Volhynia, Jews accounted for more than 200,000 out of the estimated 400-500 thousands victims among the local population and Soviet POWs. (See Hrytsiuk). The OUN-B and the OUN-M established local police and administration in many regions of Ukraine, particularly in the West, following the German occupation of Ukraine in 1941. Although the police was reorganized by the German authorities into auxiliary police in the fall of 1941 and a significant number of OUN commanders and members were removed from the police and even arrested, the OUN continued to maintain substantial presence and informal control over many units of the auxiliary police, especially, in Volhynia and Galicia. The local police helped to implement the Nazi genocides of Jews, Ukrainians, Russians, Byelorussians, and Poles by assisting in mass executions and other policies aimed at the physical elimination of the entire Jewish population and significant parts of the Ukrainian, Russian, Byelorussian, and Polish population. (See Berkhoff; Brandon and Lower; Diukov; Katchanovski, “Politics of Soviet and Nazi Genocides;” Politychnyi).” source: Katchanovski